The Spark

the Voice of
The Communist League of Revolutionary Workers–Internationalist

“The emancipation of the working class will only be achieved by the working class itself.”
— Karl Marx

Issue no. 1017 — August 22 - September 5, 2016

EDITORIAL
Milwaukee:
Confronting the Violence of the State

Aug 22, 2016

During two nights in mid-August, on Milwaukee’s north side, angry crowds pelted the police with rocks and bottles, smashed police cars, while several businesses were engulfed in flame.

As usual, the police, the politicians, the media, and the supposed experts called this “a riot.” They decried the so-called “senseless violence.”

Yet, their police are armed to the teeth. And when police unleash their violence on a regular basis, these same authorities, politicians and news media don’t condemn it. They don’t decry the “senseless violence” of the police. No, they justify it!

And that’s exactly what happened after the Milwaukee police shot and killed 23-year-old Sylville K. Smith during a routine traffic stop. A man lay dead, gunned down by the police during a routine traffic stop. Senseless violence? Not according to the authorities. They tried to justify this murder by claiming Smith had bolted from the car with a gun in his hand.

So people went into the streets: to stop the violence of the police. Because what happened to Sylville Smith could have happened to anyone. That’s how regular and routine the harassment and brutalization by the police is.

This violence is not an accident. It is not caused simply by bad cops, or a bad police chief or sheriff. It is institutional. It comes out of the conditions that are imposed on big parts of the working class, most especially its most oppressed layers. Black workers have taken the full brunt of the capitalist attacks on the working population.

In order to increase its profits, the capitalist class has carried out a massive offensive against all parts of the working class. It has cut jobs mercilessly, forcing fewer workers to put out ever more work, while also slashing wages and benefits.

In Milwaukee, the official statistics give some ideas of what this has meant for the black population, as the availability of jobs has dried up like puddles in the baking sun. Over four decades, the rate of unemployment for black workers in Milwaukee practically tripled, and is now 40 per cent for those of prime working age (25-54). With few if any jobs, the rate of poverty is now twice as high as what it was in the late 1970s. Overall household income for the black population in Milwaukee is now 30 per cent lower than it was in 1979.

Spending on vital public services and programs that the working population depends on has also been slashed repeatedly. The fact that in Milwaukee fewer than one in 10 black children who are in eighth grade have even basic math skills illustrates how much they are being deprived of what is so necessary to work and function in society.

Politicians and public officials are turning all that government spending over to the capitalist class, to boost their profits and wealth. To safeguard all that for the capitalists, government officials have also used some of that money to beef up the entire repressive state apparatus.

No, the police violence in Milwaukee is just one arm of the violence of the capitalist social and economic system against the entire working class, especially its most oppressed layers.

Of course, the same kinds of attacks that are taking place in Milwaukee are happening all across the country. But in Milwaukee, just as in Ferguson and Baltimore, people opposed themselves to the state apparatus that protects the capitalists’ profits.

Pages 2-3

Chicago Police:
Firing a Few Cops Changes Nothing

Aug 22, 2016

Two years after Chicago Police Officer Jason Van Dyke shot Laquan McDonald 16 times, Superintendent Eddie Johnson finally announced plans to try to fire seven cops for lying about the shooting in official reports.

The video of the shooting shows plainly that McDonald was walking away from Van Dyke when the cop jumped out of his car and immediately opened fire, continuing to pour bullets into McDonald as he lay dying on the ground. Van Dyke openly lied that McDonald was advancing on him, and several other cops filed reports backing him up, claiming McDonald was attacking Van Dyke and another cop when Van Dyke shot him.

So yes, these lying cops deserve to be fired–they covered up a murder. But the cover-up doesn’t stop with these cops.

After McDonald was killed, the Chicago Police Department tried to hide the video of the killing. It only came out–more than a year after the shooting–because journalist Brandon Smith smelled a rat and wouldn’t let it go, working for more than a year to finally force the city to release the video. Not only did the whole police hierarchy know they had murderers and accessories to murder on the force–so did Mayor Rahm Emanuel, who sent a series of e-mails trying to figure out how to keep the cover-up going.

Once the video was finally released for all to see, protests began and the U.S. Justice Department started an investigation into the Chicago Police Department. Then Emanuel and his political cronies scrambled to cover their butts, firing the police chief, trying to make a show of changing the police review board, indicting Jason Van Dyke for murder, and finally proposing to fire these seven police officers.

But even if these seven cops are fired, it’s clear that nothing has actually changed. On July 28, another Chicago police officer shot Paul O’Neal in the back, killing him as he was fleeing from a stolen car. Police body camera videos show everything leading up to the shooting–but they were mysteriously turned off for the shooting itself. As O’Neal lay dying, one of the cops on the scene told the other officers to turn off their body cameras, and said–“he shot at us first, right?”–even though O’Neal did not have a gun and fired no shots. Police Superintendent Johnson has stripped these cops of their police powers, for now, but so what?

Even if these higher-ups are willing to throw a few individual police officers under the bus, THEY are the problem. They are the ones who set policy. They are the ones who maintain and run this whole racist system, that offers nothing to huge numbers of young people but prison, if not death, at the hands of the police. Firing a few cops two years after the fact doesn’t change that at all.

Chicago:
Feeding Developers, Starving Schools

Aug 22, 2016

Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s latest schools hatchet man, Forrest Claypool, announced 1,000 layoffs in Chicago schools earlier this month. He ratcheted up pressure on teachers to accept a big paycut that teachers have already rejected more than once.

Claypool explained: “There isn’t additional money to borrow, there isn’t additional money to give. We have been as generous as we can possibly be with the teachers. . . . . There’s a lot of things we can do as part of a global negotiation. But there is no pot of gold.”

He ignores the fact that the City of Chicago is, in fact, sitting on a gigantic pot of gold: the TIF funds. TIF funds are accounts that divert tax money away from schools and other public services in defined areas of the city. The Cook County Assessor, who keeps track of property taxes, reports that the city’s 146 TIF zones took in 461 million dollars in 2015. Half of that money would have gone to the schools. Sending that money back to the schools would all but wipe out any supposed shortfall in the schools budget. The TIF funds all together contain about one and a half billion dollars. So no, the City of Chicago is NOT broke.

Instead of funding the schools, the mayor and his aldermen friends dole out this money to developers. For example, the mayor gave 29 million out of a TIF fund to the River Point office tower recently constructed just outside the city’s Loop. That money could have paid to keep hundreds of teachers and staff in the schools.

Teachers can see very well the Mayor’s priorities: shovel money at wealthy developers, while letting working class schools rot.

Baltimore:
Tax Breaks despite Protests

Aug 22, 2016

Hundreds of mostly working class people have been showing up at Baltimore City Council hearings about the proposed 660 million dollar city tax break (TIF) that Under Armour wants for its huge Port Covington development project. Most of the people came to demand that this record-breaking TIF be rejected unless Under Armour signs a legally binding community benefits agreement.

Most of those at the hearings want guarantees that at least 51 percent of the 26,500 permanent jobs, and thousands more temporary construction jobs that Under Armour says will be created, will go to Baltimore residents. And they want all these jobs to pay decent wages. They also want profit-sharing, more affordable housing included in the project, an independent financial analysis of the TIF, no reductions in state school funding because of the TIF, and guarantees that a significant portion of the contracted work will go to minority and female-owned businesses.

This would be by far the biggest TIF the city ever agreed to, and one of the biggest ever in the whole country. In addition to this record-breaking TIF from the city, Under Armour wants even more tax breaks and subsidies from the state and federal governments to subsidize its plan for a new company headquarters building surrounded by other business offices, commercial stores, 14,000 up-scale housing units, parks, and even an internal light rail circulator line.

Despite community protests, the mayor, the majority of the city council, and of course business groups, have all signed on to the big breaks for Under Armour.

So much for democracy when profit is involved!

Justice Dept. Admits What Baltimore Knew

Aug 22, 2016

The U.S. Justice Department released a detailed report describing a steady pattern of police harassment, abuse and violence by the Baltimore Police Department against black residents of the city.

The study found that, from January 2010 to May 2015, Baltimore police stopped pedestrians more than 300,000 times–more than 150 times a day, that is. Actually even more often, because cops don’t report many of these stops.

The report says that BPD brass encourage cops to make “large numbers of stops, searches and arrests for minor, highly discretionary offenses.” And cops specifically targeted black people in working-class neighborhoods. In Baltimore, where 63 percent of the population is black, 91 percent of the people arrested on discretionary offenses such as “failure to obey” or “trespassing” were black. This despite the fact that more whites who were stopped had weapons than blacks!

During these stops, cops “regularly escalate encounters with residents through illegal searches ... by frisking people without a reasonable suspicion,” the report stated; and it pointed out BPD’s pattern of using force on individuals already restrained or fleeing.

These words describe quite precisely how 25-year-old Freddie Gray was murdered by Baltimore cops in April 2015. Gray died of injuries to his spinal cord after six cops detained him for no reason other than the fact he was on a street–a stop that escalated to murder.

The outrage and protests of Baltimoreans after Gray’s death forced the city attorney to indict the six cops that were involved in Gray’s death. But the trial plan carried out by the city attorney almost guaranteed that the six got away with murder.

The federal government’s report is another indictment of the six cops who killed Freddie Gray and behind them the whole apparatus of the police department and political establishment. The report shows that this murder–along with thousands of other cases of police abuse–was the result of a long-standing BPD policy coming from the top.

That’s where the report stops: no cops will be prosecuted; no police brass, no city officials.

No, the Justice Department is not doing any of that. Basically it’s just calling on the Baltimore Police Department to correct itself–and through a “process” that would take years.

It’s little more than an attempt to divert the people in Baltimore who carried out persistent, angry protests after Freddie Gray’s death.

Pages 4-5

Olympic Games:
A Somber History

Aug 22, 2016

The Olympic Games in Brazil are the 31st modern Olympic Games, according to the tradition that was reinvented at the end of the 19th century. If today they supposedly promote peace, equality between people, and between men and women, they are rooted in a history of racism, sexism, nationalism and cheating.

Coubertin: Racist, Colonialist, Sexist

Baron Pierre de Coubertin instigated the first modern Olympic Games in Athens in 1896. He wanted to exalt aristocratic ideals, which were exclusively male and white. Coubertin didn’t hide his sexism. In 1912, he was already opposed to the participation of women: “The only true Olympic hero is the male individual. Female Olympics are unthinkable. They would be uninteresting, unathletic and incorrect. In the Olympic Games, their role must above all be, as in the ancient tournaments, to crown the victors.”

The first Olympic Games were reserved for whites. Coubertin, “a fanatical colonialist,” according to his own words, was a racist and open anti-Semite. “All other races must show allegiance to the superior white race.” Women, black people, and colonial peoples couldn’t participate in the Olympic Games. This ban faced important opposition over the years. But in 1960, the Vatican still prohibited the Catholic clergy from looking at women’s sporting events. More recently, sexism has taken other forms, such as the humiliating tests of femininity for certain athletes, for example, the South African runner Caster Samanya.

Nationalism and Nazism

If the Games have evolved a lot, they haven’t ceased to extol the most jingoistic nationalism. It’s in their very structure: every athlete competes under a national flag, and the victors are rewarded with their national anthems. Between World War I and World War II, the organizations of the workers’ movement were opposed to this nationalist dimension, and sought to establish alternative models. In opposition to the racism and elitism of the Olympic Games, the Red International of Sport, which began in 1921 inside the Communist International, organized “Spartacist” events, while the Sports International of Lucern, tied to the Social Democratic International, established the international workers’ Olympics. These sometimes brought together several tens of thousands of athletes, and as many, if not more, spectators as the Olympic Games.

The Olympic Games of Pierre de Coubertin were imposed because they had the support of nation-states, which used them to exalt bourgeois ideals, nationalism, and even Nazism. In 1936, the Berlin Games were a golden opportunity for the Nazi regime to make a spectacle. They enjoyed the admiring support of the Baron de Coubertin, whom Hitler nominated in vain for the Nobel Peace Prize. Opponents of Nazism organized an international boycott campaign particularly in the United States, since many already knew about the oppression carried out by the Nazi regime against political opponents, Jews, Gypsies and even the handicapped.

But Avery Brundage, a construction mogul and the future president of the International Olympic Committee between 1952 and 1972, successfully fought against this U.S. boycott. Once there, the only two Jewish athletes of the U.S. delegation were opportunely kicked out of the relay race they were supposed to run. This sinister episode is related in a recent film, Race, dedicated to the black runner Jesse Owens, the winner of four gold medals in Berlin. Not only did Hitler not salute him, but President Roosevelt refused to receive him, going along with the deep racism current in the United States as well as Germany.

Money and Doping

Thanks to the media, the Olympic Games have become a gigantic commercial business. In the period between World War I and World War II, huge private firms made their entry, beginning with Coca Cola in Amsterdam in 1928. Today, the main sporting event of the planet is a gigantic money machine. Most of the expenses are paid for by the national governments and the sponsor cities: the construction of sports arenas, an Olympic Village, the transportation infrastructure, etc. In 2004, the Olympic Games in Athens, which cost six billion dollars, contributed to the country’s colossal indebtedness. The Rio Games are estimated to cost 12 billion dollars, but the final bill promises to be bigger.

There are many beneficiaries, but the biggest are handpicked: the big sponsors, the media which broadcasts the most popular events, the big construction companies that build infrastructure, etc. In other words, the Olympic Games are a gigantic operation for the transfer of public funds to private businesses. This is why the population is often opposed to their city being a sponsor.

As for doping, it’s not new in the Games. But, with such gigantic stakes, it’s become generalized. If it isn’t systematic, it’s organized or tolerated by some governments and sports federations, as the recent scandal of Russian doping shows. In a more general fashion, the cheating is encouraged by the competitive character of the games, where after years of effort an athlete can win recognition, or disgrace, in just minutes or seconds. The history of the Olympics is packed with athletes honored or ostracized as a result of their performance.

The Olympic Games are no better or worse than capitalist society. They reflect it.

Olympic Games:
Deficits Are Also on Steroids

Aug 22, 2016

Some Oxford University economists looked into the real costs of the Olympic Games since 1960. The tendency is for costs to explode. In the last decade they reached on average 8.9 billion dollars, without counting the work of infrastructure, highways, stations, airports and hotels.

The study also shows that all the big projects go way over budget, with the final cost being on average two-and-a-half times higher than originally estimated. The Montreal Games cost eight times more than budgeted, Barcelona Games three-and-a-half times higher, those of the winter games in Lake Placid and Sochi almost four times higher. Next to these, the Rio Games, which for the moment are only 50% over budget, almost look good.

And that doesn’t include the economic consequences for the populations of the cities pushed by sponsors. The hotels of Sochi are deserted today, the Olympic Park of London is a “mausoleum of public money,” and the Olympic Games almost put Athens in bankruptcy. The study underlines that for a city or country, deciding to organize the Olympic Games means choosing the most costly and most risky financial projects that exist.

These facts are known, but that doesn’t prevent U.S. politicians from fighting to host the Olympics. From Mayor Daley of Chicago pushing against Rio to get these 2016 games, to Los Angeles politicians trying to win the 2024 Olympics, U.S. cities are always in the running. As everywhere else, it’s all so the politicians can funnel wealth to construction companies, insurance companies, clothing and sports equipment companies, tourism, TV channels, advertising, and of course the vendors of red, white and blue trinkets.

No matter what city wins, all will be paid for by the population, without it being consulted on the decision.

Olympic Games:
Show, Glitter and Social Reality

Aug 22, 2016

More than three billion people watched the opening ceremony of the Olympics in Rio on television. There was glitter, samba, fireworks and a parade of stars.

The organizers of this great media circus could care less that Brazil is sinking in a grave economic crisis, with an additional major political crisis. It mattered little to the organizers that the majority of the Brazilian people were opposed to the Olympic Games, and that the Olympic torch was booed in some of the streets of Rio. It mattered little that thousands of poor people living in the favelas, the slums, were thrown into the street without being given new housing, in order to build stadiums, roads to reach them and parking lots.

It mattered little that the State of Rio, which was already bankrupt, was incapable of paying the bill that will inevitably be presented to the population, which had already been hit by the economic crisis. It mattered little that the police and soldiers deployed in the roads were there less to protect the population against an eventual terrorist act than to protect the media circus against the population. All that mattered little: let the show continue. Let the TV audience be drowned in the ads which accompany the most viewed sporting event in the world!

When Brazil was chosen as the sponsor of these games, it was presented as an “emerging country,” one of those big poor countries that were growing economically and supposedly would pull the capitalist economy in crisis toward recovery. But, since then, the crisis hit Brazil with as much violence as the spectacular rate of growth only a few years earlier. That growth only profited the local bourgeoisie and above all the big multinational companies. It hardly improved the conditions of the exploited classes–but the collapse dealt them a heavy blow.

Despite the cheap rhetoric of the privileged class, Brazil remains an underdeveloped country, marked by inequalities and undermined by corruption. The showcase that the Olympic Games is supposed to be didn’t only show sports performances and postcard images of the beaches of Copacabana. It showed unhealthy accommodations in the Olympic Village, with trash floating in the bay where water sports were occurring. How much money was diverted by the little con-men of the bourgeoisie, how much greased the palms of the political leaders at various levels? And above all, how much did the big construction companies take who built the stadiums, the Olympic Village, the subway and the highways? And how much was taken by the banks and the insurance companies behind them?

Sport and performances are for sale, but thousands of big and small businesses pocket the money. And the majority of the poor population of Brazil will pay for it.

The speeches on the ideals which the Olympics are supposed to embody are nothing but hot air. Behind the athletic competition, there was the tinkling of the cash registers.

Politicians have long used sports as the ground for the rivalry between countries, to wave the flag, to sing the national anthem, to push patriotism, to push national unity which they often have trouble getting. It certainly isn’t for the love of sport that politicians went to Rio to lobby to get the 2024 games. It was in their political interests and even more the material interest of their constituents, big construction companies, the TV channels, etc.

The Olympic Games, in this world dominated by capitalism, are above all gigantic trade fairs. Despite their efforts to win, despite their dreams, the athletes who animate the games are only bit players, indispensable for the show, but bit players nevertheless, whose value in the eyes of the sponsors doesn’t exist in their performance alone, but in their images for ads. Besides Michael Phelps and Simone Biles, how many others are used anonymously and are crushed by the commercial machinery?

“Rio 2016: Games to forget the crisis,” one daily paper headlined. But we can’t forget, not in Brazil, nor throughout the world, which is bombarded with sports images, while the crisis rages, increasing poverty, and exacerbating the barbarism of war. But the way the Olympics are run adds an even more nasty side to capitalism, since sports could be such a good thing, something indispensable to the flourishing of each individual, if they weren’t spoiled like all other human activities by a social organization where money is king.

Pages 6-7

Mauritania:
Strike at the Tasiast Mine

Aug 22, 2016

In the July 3 edition of their paper, Le Pouvoir aux Travailleurs (Power to the Workers), the African Union of Communist Internationalist Workers told about the victorious strike of the workers at the Tasiast gold mine in Mauritania.

The workers’ strike totally blocked the production of gold in the Tasiast mine for 18 days. This gold mine and its factory, located 250 kilometers to the north of the Mauritanian capital, Nouakchott, is one of the most important in West Africa. The company employs a total of 2,600 workers, with no more than 1,000 “permanent” workers at the mine and factory. The rest are “non-permanents” and the sub-contractors. Since 2010 it has been part of a Canadian company, Kinross Gold Corporation, operated by a local intermediary, Tasiast Mauritania Limited SA (TML SA).

The strike started on May 23 in reaction to management’s decision to reduce payroll in order to increase profits. Abdallah Nehah, secretary general of the General Confederation of Workers of Mauritania (CGTM), one of the main unions that led the movement, explained: “Starting on May 15, the company decided to reduce their share of payment for health insurance from 100% to 80%, their share of the taxes from 75% to 25%, and to reduce the trimester bonus (every four months) from the equivalent of one month’s pay to only five days.... These benefits were part of the workers’ wages and were not supposed to be diminished without negotiations and an agreement between the two parties.”

This decision was the straw that broke the camel’s back. The discontent had been growing for a long time. In August of 2013, a strike broke out over a number of wage and health insurance demands. In October of 2015, there was also an angry movement against layoffs. The workers had not forgotten management’s promise from a few years earlier to hire 4,000 workers. But since 2013, there were already two rounds of layoffs: 300 workers laid off in 2013, and 148 in 2015.

Management’s thirst to increase profits by reducing the number of workers and cutting benefits provoked the most recent strike. The workers are even angrier because they see a large quantity of gold leaving the factory every day as a result of their labor, yet management wants to reduce the little bit that they get.

At the end of the 18 days on strike, during which the factory was completely blocked, management finally had to back off. At first, it tried to break the movement and to replace the strikers with sub-contractors. But this attempt failed and management had to call for negotiations with the representatives of the strikers. The company officially announced that it had suspended the wage cuts and that it would submit to negotiations with the unions. The strikers went back to work after getting the promise that no strikers would be fired and that no measure would be taken without negotiations.

Nothing can guarantee that management has definitively renounced its plan to reduce wage payments. Management is certainly waiting to sense when the workers let down their guard. Their goal is above all to increase their profits, in order to enrich the investors in the gold mine. But in their strike, the workers have shown their collective force and shown to management that they will defend themselves against these nefarious attacks.

Page 8

Michigan:
Working Class Party on the Ballot

Aug 22, 2016

The following is part of a speech made by one of the candidates of the new Working Class Party in Michigan. It first appeared on the website: www.workingclassfight.com.

Working people—all of us—are facing a crisis today. And the two existing parties, the Republicans and Democrats, have no answers; they have no solutions for working people. In point of fact, these two parties are part of the problem.

Just look at the crises in this state, and who caused them. People of Flint have been poisoned.... The lives and future of the children of Detroit are being destroyed—not by water, but by inadequate schools....

Both parties made decisions to cheat the schools and public services, taking money that should have gone to them in order to give it to the banks, the corporations and the wealthy.

Why would anyone believe that the political parties who caused these crises would fix them? Not to serve our interest!

So, let me state a political fact: in this country, the bosses have two parties, Democrat and Republican; the working class has none.

Let me state another political fact: working people need our own party. Period!

A working class party would say the truth—that the money is there to provide jobs with decent wages for all who want to work. But just saying those things is not enough. Electing some workers to political office is not enough in a set-up run by and controlled by the wealthy.

It will always take a fight for the working class to gain what it needs. But a working class party can be part of the fight and could help organize that fight. A working class party today would try to bring together the protesters in Flint and the teachers, parents and students in Detroit who are making a fight against the same bosses.

A working class party would show how the fight of one group of workers is connected to the needs of all working people.

A working class party would address the problem of racism, which is always a cancer within the working class, and which the enemies of the working class use today to divide us from each other.

A working class party would say the truth: that workers, who do the work necessary to make everything run, are the majority in this society. And our interests are different from those of the bosses.

Let the Workers’ Voice Be Heard

Two years ago, some of us decided to let the workers’ voice be heard in the elections. I’m speaking on behalf of five candidates who ran for office in Michigan in 2014: Sam Johnson, Mary Anne Hering, Ken Jannot, David Roehrig and myself, Gary Walkowicz....

On the ballot we were listed as independent candidates, but in point of fact, we ran together on a slate that stood for a working class program. It was the effort of only a few dozen individuals. But we were able to reach some tens of thousands of people....

The response we got in 2014 led us to believe that we could do something more in 2016—try to put a party on the ballot that would not only build on what we had done but could directly speak to the most important issue facing us today, which is, that the working class in this country is not organized politically.

So, in January, we started the petition campaign to get Working Class Party on the ballot in Michigan. A total of 69 people were pulled into the effort to circulate petitions. That included several dozen from other states, who understood how valuable it would be for a working class party to be put on the ballot in any state.

In six months, we got more than 50,000 people to sign our petitions, giving us a comfortable margin beyond the 31,566 needed....

We chose three candidates from 2014 to run this year.

First, Mary Anne Hering for State Board of Education.

Mary Anne is a teacher, she is well-known at her school and elsewhere and she did very well in running for Dearborn Board of Education in 2014, getting votes from 20% of those who voted. She can address the crisis facing public schools in Detroit and every working class community throughout the state, the disgraceful conditions in the schools and the attacks on teachers and other school workers.

We want to reinforce Mary Anne’s campaign by running two workers relatively well-known in this area and link the three campaigns together: Sam Johnson for Congress in the 13th District and myself, Gary Walkowicz, in the 12th District.

Sam is a long-time worker militant at Chrysler and known also in this community. He has written a book about his life as a militant—A Fighter All My Life—living in Alabama, Los Angeles and Detroit.

I am a long-time Ford worker who has led struggles against 2-tier wages and against concessions. Because of these fights, I am known to workers, not just in my plant, but throughout Ford, and to other UAW workers.

Everyone in the state can vote for at least one of our candidates. This lets us campaign anywhere we are in the state, not only for Mary Anne, but behind her, for the working class party.

Some people might think this is a very small start—only three candidates. But the working class hasn’t had its own party for more than a century. And three IS a start!

Putting a party on the ballot doesn’t change the situation—we know that. But by putting this party on the ballot today in Michigan, we are planting a flag, showing there are thousands of people who agree that the working class needs to organize its own party. And those thousands of people can change the situation.

Finally, we think we can get enough votes to remain on the ballot in future years, when we will find more people ready to run.

But we need your votes this year—everyone in the whole state can vote for Mary Anne Hering, and, depending where you live, for Sam Johnson in the 13th congressional district, and, in the 12th congressional district for me, Gary Walkowicz.

We need your help, and the help of anyone you know who can be interested by this campaign.

So, let me repeat: The bosses have two parties. It’s about time that the working class builds one!

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